Kuyper’s Lectures on Calvinism: Calvinism and Politics

This is the third part of a six part article series on Abraham Kuyper’s Lectures on Calvinism. He gave these lectures at Princeton Theological Seminary over a series of days in October 1898. Happy International Abraham Kuyper Month!

In this lecture, Kuyper shows how Calvinism has impacted politics over the last several centuries. Calvinism has had this impact not because of a particular soteriology, like justification by faith, but rather because Calvinism has given special focus to God’s sovereignty. This teaching impacts all areas of authority in the world: State, Society, and Church. Each of these authorities must submit to the highest authority: the sovereign God. In this lecture, Kuyper focuses on God’s Sovereignty over the State.  

The Nature of the State

Kuyper first begins by explaining the nature of the state, its origin and position in the world. He explains, “For, indeed without sin there would have been neither magistrate nor state-order; but political life, in its entirety, would have evolved itself, after a patriarchal fashion, from the life of the family” (p 80). He also describes the State as a crutch for a lame leg. In a perfect world, this crutch would not be needed, but in a fallen world, the State is a gift of God set up and established under His authority. 

Kuyper then draws out two key lessons. First, that we should gratefully receive the state from the hand of God and also recognize, “…that, by virtue of our natural impulse, we must ever watch against the danger which lurks, for our personal liberty, in the power of the State” (p 81). Kuyper saw correctly that the State is a necessary authority but it also must be restrained. 

Kuyper points out two ways it is should be restrained. First, he says, “No man has the right to rule of another man, otherwise such a right necessarily, and immediately becomes the right of the strongest” (p 82). Every authority is an authority by God’s grace. People might elect the person or the person might inherit it, but there is nothing inherent in the person which gives him authority over other people. This is to say, all authority is derived from God’s authority. Which leads to Kuyper’s second point: God is the ultimate authority in all spheres. God’s authority restrains the authority of the State. 

Kuyper then explains that “God’s own direct government is absolutely monarchial” (p 83). He adds, “But Calvin considered a co-operation of many persons under mutual control, i.e. a republic, desirable, now that a mechanical institution of government is necessitated by reason of sin” (83). This is a key comment and deserves further reflection.

While I agree with Kuyper that the universe is an absolute monarchy, I would point to C.S. Lewis and also Richard Hooker who describe our universe as a constitutional monarchy (Planet Narnia, p 67). The constitution of our universe is Scripture and especially the law God gave His people at Sinai. That is a key point because it shows how a constitutional republic, like America, is not just based on necessity or desire, but is actually a design revealed in God’s word. 

The American State

Kuyper then turns to the American State and gives a robust defense for understanding the American Republic as seeking to be an authority under God’s authority. Kuyper cites several key quotes from our foundational documents. 

He quotes from the Declaration of Independence which speaks, “Of the law of nature and of nature’s God” and “The Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions.” As well as the Articles of Confederation which says, “That it hath pleased the great Governor of the world to incline the hearts of the legislators.” Several of the State Constitutions written in that  same period say that they are “Grateful to Almighty God for the civil, political and religious liberty, which He has so long permitted us to enjoy and looking to Him, for a blessing upon our endeavors” (p 86). Given these statements, we see that the American Republic was established as a State under the authority of the Sovereign God. Kuyper understood this reality while many Christians today sadly doubt it or are ignorant of it.

Kuyper points to how different the American State was from the French Revolution in 1789. There we can see a State that was based on atheism. Kuyper says, “It is a sovereignty of the people therefore which is perfectly identical with atheism” (p 88). The atheism of this French State is seen in how it was based solely on the people’s opinions and not upon the reality of God’s sovereignty in the world. It functionally ignored God and God’s law. In this way, Kuyper says that the State of the French Revolution, “…became a mystical conception” (p 88). This mysticism of the State continues to our own day which is a key reason the State has sought to overreach its true position and take control of so much. The State has tried to become a god. 

Kuyper then explains how it is problematic to look solely to the will of the people for the law. He explains, “There is no other right, but the immanent right which is written down in the law. The law is right, not because its contents are in harmony with the eternal principle of right, but because it is the law. If on the morrow it fixes the very opposite, this also must be right” (p 89). If we base rights on what people want today, then we will have to do that tomorrow and the next day as well. This means that the law can change depending on the whims of the people. But that is not a true law. Laws can only be laws if they submit to the permanent laws of the King of the Universe. 

Kuyper points us to our true and everlasting hope: “And however powerfully the State may assert itself and oppress the free individual development, above that powerful State there is always glittering, before our soul’s eye, as infinitely more powerful, the majesty of the King of kings, Whose righteous bar ever maintains the right of appeal for all the oppressed, and unto Whom the prayer of the people ever ascends, to bless our nation and, in that nation, us and our house!” (p 90)

What is the State for? 

Kuyper then turns to the true role of the State. He says that the State bears the sword in three ways: first, Justice, which includes corporeal punishment, second, War, to defend against enemies, and third, Order, to thwart forcible rebellion inside the country (p 93).

Kuyper then reminds his audience that God’s Sovereignty means that all authorities must obey God and so every citizen is called to pursue true liberty. He says, “And thus the struggle for liberty is not only declared permissible, but is made a duty for each individual in his own sphere….by causing all men, the magistrates included, to bow in deepest humility before the majesty of God Almighty” (p 99).

Magistrates of the State are called to establish true liberty. Kuyper says, “They have to serve God, by ruling the people according to His ordinances” (p 103). He says they do this in these key ways: acknowledging that God is the supreme ruler, encouraging all to honor the Sabbath, proclaiming days of prayer and thanksgiving, and invoking His Divine blessing (p 103). 

Here Kuyper is arguing for a State that supports and encourages Christianity. But Kuyper does not want the State to supercede the Church. He says, “But both Church and State must, each in their own sphere, obey God and serve His honor. And to that end in either sphere God’s Word must rule, but in the sphere of the State only through the conscience of the persons invested with authority” (p 104). The Magistrate in the State must obey God’s word by submitting to it according to his conscience. This is not to make the State subservient to the Church but to make the State subservient to God.

The State and Religion

Kuyper then turns to the important question: must the State decide which church denomination is the true one?

Kuyper answers with a strong No. But Kuyper is careful not to fall into the pervelant errors here. He says that he gives this answer, “Not from a false idea of neutrality, nor as if Calvinism could ever be indifferent to what is true and what false, but because the government lacks the data of judgment, and because every magisterial judgment here infringes the sovereignty of the Church” (p105). 

Kuyper explains that the State has a sword but it is not the spiritual sword. The State should keep out of this sphere of the Church. The Church has its own sphere which the State must respect. The Church would deal with errors in theology and sin with the spiritual sword that it has. The State must respect the Authority of the Church. 

Kuyper explains further, “The Church may not be forced to tolerate as a member one whom she feels obliged to expel from her circle; but on the other hand no citizen of the State must be compelled to remain in a church which his conscience forces him to leave” (p 108). The Magistrate should encourage the Christian religion but he may not force people to attend a certain church. The Magistrate should also respect the ruling of a church pertaining to an issue of church membership. 

Kuyper concludes by saying, “Meantime what the government in this respect demands of the churches, it must practice itself, by allowing to each and every citizen liberty of conscience, as the primordial and inalienable right of all men” (p 108).

Kuyper concludes this lecture saying, “A nation consisting of citizens whose consciences are bruised, is itself broken in its national strength” (p 108). This summarizes the key problem in America today: we are a nation of bruised consciences. Given our troubled souls and minds, it is no wonder that we have lost the strength to pursue true liberty under God and so we rely on a broken State to fix us. Meanwhile our souls lie in the torments of sin.

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